Left-wing politics


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In politics, left-wing, the political left and the Left are terms applied to a variety of political beliefs. The term has had different meanings in different countries and time periods.The term was originally used in France during the French Revolution to indicate opposition to absolute monarchy. Since the publication of The Communist Manifesto and the rise of Marxism, it has been associated with socialism, communism and a wide range of related ideologies, including social liberalism.

Contents

Origins and history of the term

See also: Left-Right politics

In relation to politics, the term left wing originates from the French Revolution, when radical Montagnard deputies from the Third Estate generally sat to the left of the president's chair, a habit which began in the Estates General of 1789. The moderate Feuillants generally sat to the right. It is still the tradition in the French Assemblée Nationale for the representatives to be seated left-to-right (relative to the Assemblée president) according to their political alignment. In some European countries classical liberals were labeled as 'left' before Marxist ideas came to define the left. In the case of Denmark and Norway the historical liberal parties still carry the name Venstre (literally meaning 'Left') even though they are now considered to be right-wing. A similar phenomenon exists in France, where it is known as sinistrisme.

From mid-19th century, 'left' would increasingly refer to various forms of socialism and communism. Particularly influential event was the publication of the Communist Manifesto by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in 1848. It asserted that a proletarian revolution would overthrow bourgeois society, and by abolishing private property create a classless and stateless society.

Socialist movements emerged across Europe and some countries outside of Europe. The International Workingmen's Association (commonly named the 'Second International') gathered labour parties with a combined membership of millions. During the First World War, the Second International was divided on the question of supporting or opposing the war. The dissident tendency, which included the Russian Bolsheviks of Lenin, Rosa Luxemburg in Germany amongst others, considered themselves as further to the left that the other labour parties (see Zimmerwald Left). Out of this conflict the socialist movement divided into Social Democrats and Communists, the former category either seen as left or center-left. In the 1960s with the political upheavals of the Sino-Soviet split and the May 1968 revolt in France, thinkers of the 'New Left' viewed themselves as being more critical of Marxist and Marxist-Leninist discourse (labelled the 'Old Left').

Definitions

In terms of politics, the terms left, right and centre are contextual terms, relative to the political situation of individual countries and regions. In contemporary Western political discourse, the Left is most often used to describe forms of socialism, communism and social liberalism. Marxist thinker Leszek Kolakowski has defined the concept of the left in abstract terms as being utopian and ideological.[1]. Center left is a term used to describe a political position that is close to the center of the political mainstream in a particular country. In several European countries, it is a term used for alliances that encompass both leftist and centrist elements.

In France, differentiation is generally made between the left (Socialists and Communists) on one side and the far left (Trotskyists, Maoists, Anarchists) on the other.[2]

The Chinese New Left denotes a tendency which opposes economic reforms and in favours of the restoration of socialist policies along Maoist lines.[3] In the western context, New Left refers to cultural politics, sometimes referred to as identity politics.

Ultra-left refer to a various far left ideologies. The term hard left has been associated with politics of Tony Benn and the Campaign Group and Labour Briefing[4], as well as Trotskyist groups such as the Militant Tendency and Socialist Organiser. The hard left is more strongly influenced by Marxism, while the soft left had a more gradualist approach to building socialism.

Positions

Economics and class

Many on the left believe in Marxian economics, which refers to a body of economic thought stemming from the work of Karl Marx. Adherents of Marxian economics sometimes distinguish it from his political philosophy, arguing that Marx's approach to understanding the economy is intellectually valuable per se, independent of his advocacy of revolutionary socialism or the inevitability of proletarian revolution.[5][6] It does not lean entirely upon the work of Marx and other widely known Marxists (Lenin, Trotsky, etc.), but may draw from a range of Marxist and non-Marxist sources.

The Left has traditionally identified itself with the lower classes and with combating oppression. Thus the industrial revolution saw left-wing politics become associated with the conditions and worker's rights in the new industries. This led to build-up of trade union movements. More recently, the left has criticized what it perceives as the exploitative nature by current forms of globalization, e.g. the rise of sweatshops and the "race to the bottom", and either has sought to promote more just forms of globalization, such as fair trade, or has sought to allow nation-states to "delink" or break free of the global economy.

Although specific means of achieving these ends are not agreed upon by different left-wing groups, almost all those on the left agree that some form of government or social intervention in economics is necessary, ranging from Keynesian economics and the welfare state through industrial democracy or the social market to nationalization of the economy and central planning.[7]

National question

The question of nationality and nationalism have been central features of political debates on the left. The Marxist social class theory of proletarian internationalism asserts that members of the working class should act in solidarity with working people in other countries due to common class interest, rather than only focusing on their own countries. Proletarian internationalism is summed up in the slogan, "Workers of all countries, unite!", the last line of The Communist Manifesto. Union members learned that more members meant more bargaining power, and taken to an international level, leftists argued that workers ought to act in solidarity to further increase the power of the working class. Proletarian internationalism saw itself as a deterrent against war, because people with a common interest are less likely to take up arms against one another, instead focusing on fighting the ruling class. According to Marxist theory, the antonym of proletarian internationalism is bourgeois nationalism. Left-wing movements therefore have often taken up anti-imperialist positions.

On the other hand, there are strong elements of left-wing nationalism, political tendencies which some link to the pressure generated by economic integration with other countries encouraged by free-trade agreements. This view is sometimes used to justify hostility towards supranational organizations such as the European Union. Left-wing nationalism can also refer to any nationalism emphasizing a working-class populist agenda attempting to overcome perceived exploitation or oppression by other nations. Many Third World anti-colonial movements adopted left-wing and socialist ideas.

Anti-globalization

The Global Justice Movement movement, also known as the anti-globalisation or alter-globalization movement, protests against global trade agreements and the negative consequences they perceive them to have for the poor and the environment. This movement is generally characterised as left-wing, though some activists within it reject association with the traditional left. There are also those on the right, Pat Buchanan for example, who oppose globalization on nationalistic grounds. The Global Justice Movement does not oppose globalisation per se, on the contrary, it supports some forms of internationalism). The main themes of the movement are the reforms of international institutions such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, and the creation of an international social justice movement. It rejects the leadership of any political party, defining itself as a "movement of movements."

Institutions

See also: List of socialist countries and List of left-wing internationals

The Leninist branch of Marxism argues that a proletarian revolution must be led by a vanguard of professional revolutionaries, men and women who are fully dedicated to the communist cause and who form the nucleus of the communist revolutionary movement. The dictatorship of the proletariat or workers' state are terms used by Marxists to describe what they see as a temporary state between the capitalist and communist society.

Left-wing internationals include dozens of historic and current organizations such as the First International, the Second International, or the Socialist International, World Socialist Movement, and the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement, and the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations (Unity & Struggle).

Feminism

Main article: The left and feminism

Early feminism in the nineteenth century was often, although not always, connected to radical politics. Today, socialist feminists, Marxist feminists and some liberal feminists and radical feminists position themselves as on the left of the political spectrum.

Third-worldism

Third-worldism is a tendency within left wing political thought to regard the division between developed, classically liberal nations and developing, or "third world" ones as of primary political importance. Third-worldism tends to involve support for Third World nation states or national liberation movements against Western nations or their proxies in conflicts where the particular Third World state or movement. The thought behind this view is often that contemporary capitalism can be characterised principally as imperialism. Hence, third-worldists say, resistance to capitalism must principally be resistance to the predations of advanced capitalist nations upon others.

Key figures in the Third Worldist movement include Frantz Fanon, Ahmed Ben Bella, Andre Gunder Frank, Samir Amin and Simon Malley. The New Left led to an explosion of support for Third Worldism, especially after the failure of revolutionary movements in the First World, such as Paris 1968. Among the New Left groups and movements associated with Third Worldism were Monthly Review and the New Communist Movement.

Third worldism is also closely connected to movements such as Pan-Africanism, Pan-Arabism, Maoism, African socialism and Latin American socialist trends. National liberation movements such as the Palestine Liberation Organization, Sandinistas and African National Congress have been causes célèbres of the movement.

More recently, Third Worldism has become a powerful force in the World Social Forum (particularly since the Mumbai WSF in 2004)[citation needed] and in the Cairo Anti-War Conference.

Some left-wing groups in the developing world, such as the Zapatista Army of National Liberation in Mexico, Abahlali baseMjondolo in South Africa and the Naxalites in India, argue that the Western left usually takes a racist and paternalistic attitude towards popular movements in dominated countries. There is particular criticism of the role played by NGOs and the assumption by the Anti-globalization movement in Europe and North America that it is a global movement with an automatic right to lead movements in the South.

Post-modernism

Left-wing postmodernism reject attempts at universal explanatory theories such as Marxism, deriding them as grand narratives. They argue for an embrace of culture as the battle grounds for change, rejecting traditional ways of organising such as political parties and trade unions, focusing instead on critiquing or deconstruction. Left-wing critics of post-modernism view it as a reaction to the economic failure of state socialism (both in Europe, Latin America and the United States), and disillusionment with authoritarian Communist regimes. They assert that cultural studies courses inflate the importance of culture through denying the existence of an independent reality.[8][9]

The most famous critique of post-modernism from within the left came in the form of a 1996 prank by physicist and self-described leftist Alan Sokal. Concerned about what he saw as the increasing prevalence on the left of "a particular kind of nonsense and sloppy thinking... that denies the existence of objective realities, or... downplays their practical relevance...", in which a mix of mis-stated and mis-used terms from physics, postmodernism, literary analysis, and political theory are used to claim that physical reality, and especially gravitation, do not objectively exist, but are psychologically and politically constructed.[10] Sokal composed a nonsensical article entitled "Transgressing the Boundaries: Toward a Transformative Hermeneutics of Quantum Gravity",[11] The journal Social Text published the paper in its Spring/Summer 1996 issue, whereupon Sokal publicly revealed his hoax. While some saw Sokal as attacking leftism in general, he was very clear that this was intended as a critique from within:

Politically, I'm angered because most (though not all) of this silliness is emanating from the self-proclaimed Left. We're witnessing here a profound historical volte-face. For most of the past two centuries, the Left has been identified with science and against obscurantism… epistemic relativism betrays this worthy heritage and undermines the already fragile prospects for progressive social critique. Theorizing about "the social construction of reality" won't help us find an effective treatment for AIDS or devise strategies for preventing global warming. Nor can we combat false ideas in history, sociology, economics and politics if we reject the notions of truth and falsity.… The results of my little experiment demonstrate, at the very least, that some fashionable sectors of the American academic Left have been getting intellectually lazy.[12]

Gary Jason claims that "of socialism, both empirically and theoretically... brought about a crisis of faith among socialists, and Post-modernism is their response."[13]

Symbols

The flag of Soviet Union - the world's first socialist state - combined three left-wing symbols: red flag; red star; and hammer and sickle.

The revolutionary or radical left usually uses the color red in its symbolism. The red flag became popular during the Russian Revolution of 1917.[14] Red became the primary color of the flag of the Soviet Union, and the red star became a Communist emblem, leading to Cold War phrases such as Red Menace and Red China (distinguished from the right-wing Republic of China, Free China, or Taiwan). China's de-facto anthem under Mao Zedong was The East is Red. Mao Zedong was sometimes referred to as a red sun. The color was also associated with political groups such as the Red Guard in China and the Red Guards during the Russian Revolution of 1917, as well as with left-wing paramilitary terrorist groups such as the Red Army Faction in Germany, and the Japanese Red Army.

The hammer and sickle is a part of communist symbolism. The two tools are symbols of the industrial proletariat and the peasantry.

See also

References and notes

  1. ^ The concept of the left, Marxism and Beyond. L Kolakowski - On Historical Understanding and Individual Responsibility, 1971.
  2. ^ Cosseron, Serge (ed.). Le dictionnaire de l'extrême gauche. Paris: Larousse, 2007. p. 20
  3. ^ "China launches ‘New Deal’ for farmers". Financial Times (2006-02-22).
  4. ^ [1]
  5. ^ "The Neo-Marxian Schools". The New School. Retrieved on 2007-08-23.
  6. ^ Munro, John. "Some Basic Principles of Marxian Economics". University of Toronto. Retrieved on 2007-08-23.
  7. ^ Andrew Glyn, Social Democracy in Neoliberal Times: The Left and Economic Policy since 1980, Oxford University Press, 2001, ISBN 978-0199241385.
  8. ^ Postmodernism, commodity fetishism and hegemony, Néstor Kohan, International Socialism, Issue 105.
  9. ^ Chomsky on Postmodernism, Noam Chomsky, Z-Magazine's Left On-Line Bulletin Board.
  10. ^ A Physicist Experiments With Cultural Studies, Alan Sokal
  11. ^ Transgressing the Boundaries: Towards a Transformative Hermeneutics of Quantum Gravity, Alan Sokal, first published in; Social Text, issule 46/47, 1996
  12. ^ A Physicist Experiments With Cultural Studies, Alan Sokal
  13. ^ Socialism's Last Bastion, Gary Jason, Liberty
  14. ^ of the World "Soviet"

Bibliography

  • Encyclopedia of the American Left, ed. by Mari Jo Buhle, Paul Buhle, Dan Georgakas, Second Edition, Oxford University Press 1998, ISBN 0-19-512088-4
  • Lin Chun, The British New Left, Edinburgh : Edinburgh Univ. Press, 1993
  • Geoff Eley, Forging Democracy: The History of the Left in Europe, 1850-2000, Oxford University Press 2002, ISBN 0-19-504479-7
  • Marxism on Terrorism by John Molyneux
  • Terrorism and Communism by Karl Kautsky
  • Leftism in India

External links

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